HOW WAS THE TOTALITARIAN STATE OF CHINA CREATED BY THE EARLY THINKING AND ACTIONS OF MAO ZEDONG AND HIS PEERS?


👉 There are enough facts to prove that Mao Zedong and his peers or slightly older persons were the earliest followers of Marxism in China.

👉 Mao Zedong and his peers shared similar life experiences, personal encounters and ways of thinking. They were enthusiastic about reading historical novels or anecdotes, such as Outlaws of the Marsh (水滸傳), Romance of the Three Kingdoms (三國演義), and those of the Qin and Han dynasties, of Spring-and-Autumn and Warring-States Periods, since they were young. All of them postulated that their self characters corresponded to the personality traits of some heroic figures or emperors in history, and they all had the habit of thinking macho and great and conquering everything beneath the universe (征服天下). They, especially Mao Zedong, even reckoned that they were more outstanding than those well-known emperors and looked down upon them, such as Emperors Qin Shihuang (秦始皇), Han Wudi (漢武帝), Tang Taizong (唐太宗), and Genghis Khan (成吉思汗).

👉 Mao Zedong and his peers were far from proficient in foreign languages ​​(including English) and could not read the Marxist writings in foreign languages directly. If they read some of these writings, they would not be serious about seeking knowledge and finding answers to the politics they were encountering. They wanted to find various functional tactics and terminologies from the texts and apply them. Meanwhile, they worshipped Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. They were not interested in George Washington and Abraham Lincoln (the latter is a critical figure of Marx′s contemporary).

👉 There was a high probability that, since Mao and his peers were not good in any foreign language, they could only read Marxism in the Chinese language in or after August 1920——the time the earliest Chinese version of the Communist Manifesto, translated by Chen Wangdao (陳望道), came out. Mao Zedong was 28 years old at that time. Chen Wangdao′s Chinese translation of the Communist Manifesto was inaccurate and unrefined but treated as scripture. At that point, it was less than 12 months from July 1, 1921 (the founding day claimed by the Chinese Communist Party).

👉 Think about this, Mao Zedong and his peers, the earliest Communists in China, founded the Communist Party of China (CCP) less than 12 months after reading the Communist Manifesto translated by Chen Wangdao. How much Marxism did they have? How much Marxism did the party they founded have? Since then, they had been busy rebelling, fighting, revenging, and building up their dictatorship, and they had no time to explore Marxism further. 

👉 Even if Mao Zedong and his peers could read the German or English versions of the Communist Manifesto, they merely learned the most extreme and low-end version of Marxism. The Communist Manifesto was not a piece of solid intellectual thought by Marx and Engels—— it was a political action programme commissioned by the Communist League written by them to meet their needs during the height of their political emotions.

👉 The Communist Manifesto and other communist preaching spreading from the USSR to China made up the essential Marxist knowledge base of Mao Zedong and his peers. They had found a more convenient and politically “correct” ideology to justify their rebellion.

👉 About 20 years before 1949, it was a critical period of extreme turbulence in China (including the encirclement war against the Communists, the resistance war against Japanese aggression, and the civil war between the Kuomintang versus the Communist Party). Mao Zedong and his peers not only made the best use of the Kuomintang-Communist alliance against the Japanese invasion to escape from the fate of complete elimination during the encirclement war against the Communists. They also snowballed their military forces, boosting the confidence to conquer everything beneath the universe (打天下) to coerce the people’s hearts and minds to accept their political views. At the end of the resistance war against Japanese aggression, Mao Zedong and his peers conceived of a set of politico-strategic rhetorics by focusing on how to build a new democratic regime (新民主主義政權). 

👉 In the meantime, the Nationalist government (of Kuomintang) had exhausted its ways and means through a sequence of costly wars (especially the resistance war against Japanese aggression) and also compounded by making too many policy debacles, especially failing to pursue a democratic constitutional reform with “the Three Principles of the People” (三民主義) as the cornerstone of the policy program. The Chinese people’s hearts turned to the hope of ending the civil war, peaceful reconstruction, realizing political reform, and implementing a democratic constitution. They had gradually shifted their support from Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang towards Mao Zedong’s Communist Party. China became the first democratic-and-constitutional country in Asia in 1911. It lasted until 1949 and died prematurely in the violent storm of the CCP’s military rebellion.

👉 In those turbulent times, the Chinese people and the democratic parties could not judge that the high-sounding political rhetorics of Mao Zedong and his peers were a periodic-strategy manoeuvre. Their paramount goal was to replace the Kuomintang’s (actually more moderate) regime with the extreme one-party dictatorship of the CCP. The Chinese people and the democratic parties failed to realize that Mao Zedong and his peers, putting on a coat of Marxism, were coming to bury the democratic constitution of China in its infancy and return the country to imperial politics before 1911.

👉 The democratic constitution of China or any country in its infancy couldn’t withstand the devastation of violent storms from inside and outside, let alone the snatching and manipulation of all-powerful political conspirators like Mao Zedong and his peers. The seizure of power by the Communist Party of Mao Zedong and his peers was a catastrophic choice made by the Chinese people collectively, not a historical necessity.

👉 The exaggerated manipulations of the Marxist discourses with “China′s characteristics“, interpreted by Mao Zedong and now Xi Jinping and their peers, have been to window dress the facade of the CCP’s state system (國體) and government system (政體). It is simply better than directly applying the politico-appearance (政治臉譜) of the imperial rule (not changed over the past 3,000 years) that they have been utterly familiar with since their childhood. It is a historical fact.

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